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Which Map Will We Use? WaPo Cogitates Some Options


by: Katherine Haenschen

Wed Dec 14, 2011 at 11:18 AM CST


The Washington Post has an excellent run-down of the events that brought us to where we are in the current redistricting/election calendar mess.

In particular, Aaron Blake cogitates on which map is likely to be used for the 2012 elections, and the implication of that decision on future redistricting lawsuits focused on pre-clearance. He writes:

It seems very unlikely that the map drawn by Republican state legislators will be used for 2012. The fact that the D.C. district took up the case suggests it sees something objectionable. And even if the state legislature were able to draw a new map to comply with the court's ruling, it would have to go through pre-clearance again and wouldn't be ready in time for the 2012 election.

It's also pretty unlikely that the Supreme Court will sign off on the three-judge panel's interim map. Like the D.C. district court, the Supreme Court's decision to take up the case suggests there is something it doesn't like about the interim map.

Blake suggests that SCOTUS will give the San Antonio court instructions on how to revise their map, likely to bring it into closer alignment with the state's initial Republican gerrymandered map. His logic is as follows:

First, the Supreme Court could tell the three-judge panel in San Antonio that it needs to draw something closer to the map drawn by the state legislature. Or second - and this is the Nuclear Option - it could say that the state should simply use the map drawn by the state legislature.

The former option would set a new standard when it comes to court-drawn maps. Currently, court-drawn maps are drawn with deference to the last constitutionally-approved map available (i.e. the existing map). Changing the standard would give state legislatures greater power over the final product, even in the event that their maps are invalidated.

This, apparently, is what is at center of Abbott's challenge and what SCOTUS is interested in: when adjusting a map that fails to receive pre-clearance (as the Legislature's gerrymandered/minority-quashing maps did) do the courts start with the bad map and make it less-bad? Or do they start with the current districts (i.e. what we used in 2010) and tweak them to reflect population growth and change?

If SCOTUS tells the San Antonio panel to re-do their work and draw a less-bad, non-gerrymandered version of the map the Republicans put forth in the legislature, well, isn't that kind of like putting lipstick on a pig? Every legislature-drawn map was crafted with the explicit intent of denying minority Texans the representation they have earned due to population growth. Oh, and as a side effect they wanted to run folks like Wendy Davis and Lloyd Doggett out of office.

Is it even possible to start with the hack-job the Republicans drew and make it sufficiently less bad so as to not have a CD-25 that starts in African-American East Austin, stretches up through Fort Hood, and peters out in southern Tarrant County?

The latter [telling the state to use the Legislature's map] would be the big one, as some suggest it would essentially invalidate the section of the Voting Rights Act - Section 5 - that requires states like Texas to get pre-clearance. Essentially, the maps would no longer have to be pre-cleared. This would allow these states greater freedom to draw their maps and increase the burden on minority groups and others who may fight the maps in court. These groups would no longer have an avenue to stop the maps before they are enacted.

Some SCOTUS followers have indicated that Chief Justice John Roberts has been wanting to get his hands on Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act, the part that sets forth pre-clearance. Pre-clearance requires either the Department of Justice or a three-judge panel of the DC Federal District Court to basically approve map changes and make sure they don't unfairly discriminate against minorities. Here's a map of jurisdictions requiring pre-clearance. As you can see, it's mostly Southern states, in a vestige of the racism of the 1960's that required the VRA in the first place.

If SCOTUS goes this route, then all eyes turn to the pre-clearance case itself, which is set for January 17-26 in DC. Right now, the Legislature's maps have not received pre-clearance, but haven't been denied pre-clearance either. (Clearly, at the very least, there is a problem when the vast majority of a state's population is from minority residents, yet minority representation does not reflect that growth.)

In the scenario where SCOTUS forces the state to use the Legislature's maps, and then those maps fail to gain preclearance, the San Antonio court will then draw remedial maps to address the problems identified in the Legislative maps by the DC Court.

And as always, don't forget that this mess has been brought to you by Republican overreach in the Legislative redistricting process, when their partisan gerrymander deeply disenfranchised minority communities.  

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Section 5 of VRA (5.00 / 1)
You and others nailed it regarding Section 5. In the NW Austin MUD v. Holder case Roberts set the stage for his attack on Section 5. From his opinion on the case:
At the same time, Section 5, "which authorizes federal intrusion into sensitive areas of state and local policymaking, imposes substantial 'federalism costs.' " Lopez, supra,at 282 (quoting Miller v. Johnson, 515 U. S. 900, 926 (1995) ). These federalism costs have caused Members of this Court to express serious misgivings about the constitutionality of Section 5.

When NW Austin MUD was rendered I stated, at the time, it was only going to be a matter of time before someone, challenged Section 5. I should have expected Abbott to do it after TX redistricting. It only made sense. The problem is that the actions of the 82nd Legislature are exactly why Section 5 exists. Section 5 is that speed bump that forces officials to take a pause and ask the questions the VRA was put in place for. With the ever increasing minority (Hispanic) population of TX expected for the future TX should still be required to submit maps for preclearance. I'm just not sure Roberts and the conservatives on the court will agree.


Exactly! (0.00 / 0)
The argument against Sect. 5 is "We don't need it because no one tries to disenfranchise minorities through redistricting or map making."

The argument in favor of it is Texas redistricting, time and time again.


I'm not a player, I just Tweet a lot: @KathTX


[ Parent ]
Long term, pre-clearance isn't the answer (0.00 / 0)
The lege's maps are awful and deserve to be shot down. But are they really than much worse than the maps that the Pennsylvania legislature just came up with? Partisan gerrymandering (which in practice often means racial gerrymandering) is a nationwide problem, and there's something wrong with relying on Section 5, which only applies to one region of the country. By applying to Texas but not Pennsylvania, Section 5 runs into real 14th Amendment problems.

What the supreme court should do is rule the Texas maps to be an unconstitutional gerrymander independent of Section 5, basing a nationwide standard of fairness on the 14th Amendment (equal protection and "one man, one vote"). Then they should throw out Section 5. Right now, Section 5 is useful because of atrocities like the lege's gerrymander, and those atrocities occur because the courts don't do anything else to stop them.  

(But I won't hold my breath. The Roberts court shows a ridiculous amount of deference to rogue state legislatures.)

Randy has argued over and over for a nonpartisan redistricting commission, and I completely agree. We'll get one when the Supremes tell us that the current system can't go on, and probably not before.  


[ Parent ]
Austin voter dilution (0.00 / 0)
By carving Austin into numerous congressional districts dominated by less populous surrounding areas, Repubs made it impossible for one of America's largest cities to elect its own congressman. Thus, Repubs used redistricting to dilute the voting strength of Austin voters for the benefit of voters in the surrounding countryside. The SCOTUS case establishing "one person, one vote," (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Baker_v._Carr), was a reaction to state legislatures diluting the voting strength of urban voters in favor of rual voters. SCOTUS should continue to stand up for Austinites and other urban voters and make our votes count as much as the Repubs who live in the countryside outside Austin.

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