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Guest Analysis by Dean Rindy


by: Karl-Thomas Musselman

Thu Aug 31, 2006 at 08:43 PM CDT


The following in a guest analysis of the Texas Governor's race by Dean Rindy, and Austin based media consultant 70 days out from the election based upon regional polling and internal numbers.

THE GOVERNOR’S RACE: 70 DAYS OUT
Reading the Cross Tabs

By Dean Rindy
Rindy Miller Media

Recent polling in East Texas opens a window to the inner workings of the Texas Governor’s race.

Our conclusion:  It’s Perry’s race to win; Strayhorn is in deep, deep trouble; Kinky mainly hurts Chris Bell; though Bell still has an outside chance of getting within striking range of Perry. 

A poll done just last week in HD-11---Rusk, Panola, Cherokee and Panola Counties—is typical of a lot of local areas we are working in. HD 11 is conservative, with a Democratic performance level only in the mid 30’s.  Bush carried it by 70%, but the district will elect Democrats, like its incumbent State Representative, Chuck Hopson.

The Governor’s horserace in HD-11 breaks down this way:

Perry  37%
Bell  17%
Strayhorn  16%
Kinky  10%
Undec.  20%

(HD-11 obviously has different demographics than Texas as a whole, but these numbers are strikingly close to the stateside results reported a few weeks ago in the Rasmussen Poll, which had Perry at 35%, with Bell, Kinky and Strayhorn all tied at 18%.)

Perry has a high probability, in my opinion, of reelection with between 38% and 45% of the statewide vote.  He is holding his core base.  Strayhorn should be feeling desperate; she needs to win ALL of the undecided vote just to get close enough to have a chance. 

Bell has more room to grow.  His name ID is low;  and most voters don’t yet know who the hell he is.  He has shown signs lately of awakening from his trance, but he needs to throw more red meat to the faithful.  Bell can’t win with crossover votes.  His main hope is to assemble most of the Democratic base to put himself in position to win with a plurality of 36% to 38%. 

Kinky surprises me by getting 10% in this rural district, but he has more limited growth potential.  His race for Governor is a great career move, but he’s not Jesse Ventura and Texas isn’t Minnesota.  He can kill Strayhorn or Bell’s chances, but not Perry’s.

continue reading in the extended entry

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It’s interesting to look at the cross tabs of the HD-11 poll. The cross tabulations break the big numbers down into subgroups and illustrate why the race is going the way it is.  Perry is on top because he is holding two thirds of self-identified Republican voters.  Normally that would spell disaster for an incumbent Governor, but not when he has three opponents splitting up the antis.  Strayhorn’s problem is that she has to pull votes from both left and right, which is self limiting.  In HD-11 she’s getting less than 16% of Democrats, 24% of Independents, and 12% of Republicans.  That’s not nearly enough.  She needs half the Democrats and closer to a quarter of Republicans.

Chris Bell is only getting 47% of self-identified Democrats.  That’s bad news and good news.  He’s way lower than he should be among his own base, but he has huge room to grow. Some of his problem is simply low name ID.  Some of it is due to the heretofore somnolent tone of his message.  Kinky mainly hurts Bell.  Kinky is drawing 12% of the Democrats in HD-11, and he probably will do better in urban locales like Austin and Houston.  He hurts Bell among progressives and younger Whites.  Bell has to demystify Kinky or find a way to go his left.  (Personally I would recommend going sharply populist while generating headlines by bashing George Bush.  Too risky?  Remember, this is a race you can win with less than 40%.)

Who are the undecided in this race?  In HD-11 36% of them are Republicans, 25% Democrats, and a third are independents.  It’s a consultant’s rule of thumb that most undecideds will go against the incumbent.  Presumably undecided Republicans will be more inclined to go to Strayhorn.  The problem is she has to win ALL of the undecided—of every persuasion-- to rise to the mid-thirties… and that would be a most unlikely coalition.  Strayhorn is currently spending a lot of money hiring the services of Black and Hispanic field operatives in Democratic districts throughout Texas.  They will take her money, but I question whether they will win her enough votes.

I have argued all year that Strayhorn’s candidacy actually creates a bigger opportunity for the Democrats than for herself.  So far Chris Bell has not made my prediction look very brilliant.  I still honestly believe he has far more potential to move.  With modest TV money, and maybe even without it, he should be able to claim most of the Democrats who are still undecided.  That gets him into the mid twenties.  After that it gets harder.  He has to win over Democrats currently in Strayhorn or Kinky’s camp.  The good news is that most of them are where they are by default.  They are not lifelong Strayhorners or Kinkyites.  Still, winning them will take more money and a much tougher, edgier, more populist campaign than Bell has waged so far.  Bell can win only by creating excitement, and he can create excitement only by taking risks.  If he ever generates a few headlines like “Bell Climbs in Polls,” his momentum—and publicity---will begin to feed on itself. 

The Democratic statewide base vote in Texas is about 38%.  Perry’s own ineptitude has bled the Governor’s poll numbers down into that range.  Perry probably will not drop lower.  His core is with him to stay. Strayhorn is currently way below where she needs to be at this stage.  She cannot leap all the way up to 40% without running the table.  She has to tear Perry a new one to get close enough to win.  In addition, she has to assemble an ungainly coalition of one fourth of the Republicans and almost half of the Democrats.  If Strayhorn attacks Perry, and I think she has to, or if she begins to move for any reason, Perry goes to DefCon Six and launches his own nuclear strike.  There is a high probability of a TV War of Mutual Assured Destruction this fall. 

Perry and Strayhorn in a fiery death spiral is a pleasant prospect.  It is also the scenario most beneficial to Bell.  While the bombs fall, he can reassemble the Democratic coalition, attract some disillusioned Independents, and sneak up on the outside.  At some point, however, he has to separate himself from Kinky.  Bell cannot allow Kinky to siphon off 10 or 15% of the anti-Perry vote.  (Kinky’s a fun guy, but he doesn’t deserve Democratic votes.  If you google the Kinky One for a few minutes, you’ll come across a picture of him and Bush, arm in arm--big buddies.  He was an overnight guest at the White House and a supporter of the Invasion of Iraq.) 

Bell’s chances hinge on a lot of big Ifs.  Bell himself may be constitutionally incapable of the kind of magnetism and risk taking required to beat the odds.  Still, if I were a skillionaire trial lawyer, like the ones who donated millions to Strayhorn, I would think about hedging my bet by throwing a few dollars to Chris Bell.  Like I said at the start, the odds really favor Perry, but there’s a chance. 

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Is bell attending dem org meetings? (0.00 / 0)
My officers want him to come to our meeting.

Dem Org (0.00 / 0)
He'll be at the Fort bend Democrats rally this Sunday. Excited to see him speak.

We need the truth in Disctrict 22.

[ Parent ]
That sounds about right. (0.00 / 0)
Two weeks ago, I posted some of the same conclusions on the stop kinky blog:

Strayhorn presents a unique threat to Perry's re-election. When Perry and Strayhorn last ran for office, they appeared on the ballot together. Strayhorn, not Perry, was the top vote recipient among all Republicans (she also received the most votes of any candidate for any office regardless of party affiliation). Strayhorn captured 2,878,732 votes compared to Perry's mere 2,632,591. Not only does Strayhorn have proven appeal among Republican voters, she has some support from those who typically support Democrats, including the endorsement of the TSTA and the TFT as well as support from prominent Hispanic Democrats such as Tony Sanchez, Perry's last Democratic opponent.

In addition to these factors, Strayhorn has raised over $10 million to fund her campaign, and the majority of those funds will be spent on comparative advertising directed against Perry's abysmal record as governor. While Strayhorn's support in the polls has been erratic and the trend has generally been downward, she has the campaign funds on hand to mount a substantial television advertising campaign to address that trend.

Bell also threatens Perry. Several recent polls have identified Perry's current level of support at 35% with a continuing significant downward trend. This would be disastrous for an incumbent in most situations, but Perry is less threatened because the 65% of the vote which is currently "not Perry" is divided among three significant alternative candidates (plus Libertarian James Werner whose support is negligible). Of all the candidates, Bell's support is most consistently trending upward (most recent polls have identified Bell's current levels of support between 18% and 21% and raising).

There are two historical voting trends which strongly indicate that the upward trend of Bell's support will continue to even higher levels.

First, Perry, Strayhorn, and Kinky have very well established name identification among Texas voters. Bell, on the other hand, is identified by less than half of likely Texas voters. We know from previous elections, once a candidate achieves a very significant level of name identification with a likely voter without achieving that likely voter's support, it becomes substantially more difficult for the known candidate to win that voter's support. The fact that Bell has the most room to increase his name identification indicates that he also has the easiest task of building his support. Moreover, we also know from past elections that Bell's name identification will rise as the election nears as a result of the fact that Bell is the nominee of a major party. Among likely Texas voters who can identify the names of all four main candidates, Bell is polling at 28% to Perry's 32%, which is barely outside the margin for error.

Second, Bell (and Perry) will receive a boost from straight-party voting which polls undercount (people answering polls generally deny voting the straight-party ticket but past elections confirm that about half of Texas voters choose a straight-party ticket in a statewide election during a non-presidential year). In recent non-presidential elections, about 23% of the Texas electorate has voted for the straight-party Democratic ticket (and about 28% have voted the straight-party Republican ticket). Moreover, in recent past elections where the Democratic candidate has accepted the party's nomination but essentially chose not to campaign, those types of statewide Democratic candidates have nevertheless received about one third of the vote (despite the fact that pre-election polling consistently identified levels of support much lower than 33% of the Texas electorate for such non-campaigning Democrats). When statewide Democrats mount a campaign, they generally receive about 43% of the vote during non-presidential elections. Undoubtedly, if Bell could achieve Democratic Party unity, he would easily win, but Strayhorn and Kinky will certainly disrupt the party unity for both Democrats and Republicans.

Kinky is a unique candidate. Kinky's support has polled between 11% and 22% in polls that were conducted contemporaneously so his levels of support are obviously difficult to measure and highly dependant on the poll's method for identifying likely voters. But the prospect for Kinky's rise in the polls is not good. Of all the major candidates, Kinky has by far the highest disapproval numbers. Moreover, Kinky has very high name identification so his task of winning new supporters will be very difficult.

Kinky's campaign looks to Arnold Schwarzenegger's and Jesse Ventura's campaigns as models, but those campaigns are substantially different from Kinky's campaign.

Schwarzenegger's campaign differs from Kinky's mainly in the fact that Schwarzenegger enjoyed the strong backing of the Republican Party as that party's candidate (the California Republican Party and its prominent figures endorsed Schwarzenegger, including several other potential Republican candidates who dropped out of the race to avoid dividing the Republican vote). Interestingly, Schwarzenegger's campaign demonstrates how a minority party (whether Republicans in California or Democrats in Texas) can win a plurality election against a much stronger party (Democrats in California or Republicans in Texas) with strong party unity. Because the multi-party Texas gubernatorial race will be determined by a plurality (the eventual winner will likely garner only 33% to 38% of the vote) just as the recent California election, Schwarzenegger's model for minority-party triumph is more of a model for Bell's campaign than Kinky's campaign.

Ventura's campaign differs from Kinky's mainly in the differences between the manner in which Ventura achieved a third-party coalition and in the differences between Minnesota and Texas election law.

Like Schwarzenegger's Republican Party support, Ventura had the organized campaign support of the Reform Party (Ventura was the Reform Party's nominee, not an independent candidate) which was by far the most significant third party in Minnesota with a substantial party infrastructure and network of campaign workers. Moreover, Ventura won the support of the Libertarian Party and others who value the separation of church and state when he famously said that "organized religion tells people to go out and stick their noses in other people's business" and whereas Kinky has alienated that group by advocating prayer in school and posting the Ten Commandments in public school classrooms. Ventura won with 37% of the vote by running under a coherent platform as a fiscal conservative and a social liberal in a state with about one third Republicans, one third Democrats, and a full third of the electorate as Reform Party members or other Independents. In contrast, Kinky's platform is not coherent (socially liberal on gay marriage and legalized casino gambling to alienate social conservatives, but socially conservative on immigration and school prayer to alienate social liberals), and Texas is more like 50% Republican, 35% Democrat, with only 15% independent. Also, Minnesota's minority vote is much smaller than the minority vote in Texas, and Kinky has irreparably handicapped his candidacy among likely minority voters with Kinky's comments about "Negroes" and "tar babies" and politicians being "afraid of offending Hispanics" and saying the Tejano immigration protesters were "playing hooky." It is no wonder polls show Kinky with the least minority voter support of the candidates, and this problem with Kinky's campaign cannot be fixed.

Yet perhaps the more important distinction between Ventura's campaign and Kinky's is the election law differences. An Independent candidate's chances of success are much greater in Minnesota due to Minnesota's law allowing for voter registration at the voting booth on election day and Minnesota's public financing for state elections (which would minimize Kinky's current status as the candidate with the least funds on hand).

In light of these factors, the conventional wisdom of professional election analysts from Kinky's friend and "Texas Monthly" colleague Paul Burka, to Republican poll guru Mike Baselice, to the progressive Lone Star Project, to independent analyst Chuck McDonald all agree that Kinky will likely end up in the single digits on election day (and if he doesn't, Perry will likely win by default).



Would it be too much of a low blow for Bell to say that (5.00 / 1)
he's the only candidate running for Governor who didn't vote for Bush in 2004?

How is that low ? It's true. This is a one Democrat, three Republican race. (5.00 / 1)
Bell is the only candidate who didn't vote for Bush.

Bell is the only candidate who hasn't been a cheerleader for Bush's Iraq War.

Bell is the only candidate who offers any plan for helping middle class homeowners with their out-of-control insurance rates.

Bell is the only candidate who campaigns to raise the minimum wage.

Bell is the only candidate who respects the First Amendment's separation of church and state.

Bell is the only candidate to advocate raising teacher salaries by $6,000 to bring those salaries up to the national average.

Bell is the only candidate who has proposed eliminating the law that required doctors to give medically inaccurate health care misinformation to all women who seek abortions.

Bell is the only candidate who has made stem cell research a key issue of his campaign.

Bell is the only candidate whose environmental plan would reduce mercury levels.

Bell is the only candidate who hasn't flip flopped over political party membership.

It isn't a low blow to highlight these facts; it's the truth.


[ Parent ]
Bell Who? (0.00 / 0)
As the article points out, Bell needs to get out there and get some name recognition.  Yes, we Democrats know who Chris Bell is, but does the rest of the TX voting population?  Someone needs to light a fire under Chris.

[ Parent ]
May I assume you have written your campaign contribution check? (5.00 / 1)
Getting one's name out is not a cost free enterprise.  If you want Bell to win, that ride costs money.

For example, Bell's numbers went up sharply when he got some TV on the air.  His numbers went through the roof among likely voters who saw the ad.

Some people didn't like the "Bellzilla" ad but the numbers show that the ad was just memorable enough to generate a fair amount of name-identification-raising buzz (positive identification, too, no rise in negative numbers after the ad) so by objective measures the ad was a big success whether or not some people liked it.

If Bell had Strayhorn's money, or if Kinky were to drop into the single digits, we'd have a real horse race.


[ Parent ]
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